INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT APPROACHES AND POLICIES FOR RESOLVING PAPUA CONFLICTS

Papua is a rich and beautiful land, which the wealth of natural resources is enhanced by the expanse of wild forests that are still green, blue sea and white sand beaches completing the beauty of the land of Papua. Nevertheless, Papua's land is always plagued by endless conflicts. Papua conflict is very complicated, the complexity of Papua conflict can be seen from the factors as well as the actors involved. This paper aims to explore the dimensions of the Papua conflict and the strategies undertaken by the Indonesian government to resolve it. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method, with a descriptive explanatory approach.


Introduction
Papua is the easternmost region of Indonesia which joined the Republic of Indonesia Unitary through an international agreement, the New York Agreement on August 15, 1962 (Saltford, J : 2003) The region conflicts occur until this day both vertical conflicts between some Papuans and the Indonesian government as well as horizontal conflicts between communities in the land of Papua related to political issues (Kirsch, 2002 p53-79), economic or social culture (Bhakti & Pigay, 2016, p18. Apart from that, the presence of other countries such as Australia are always involved and cannot be separated in conflicts that occur in Papua. The Australian government has openly supported the independent Papua of Indonesia. (Gietzelt, 1989, p201-221) In 1998-2001 there was a shock of conflict in Papua which was called the phenomenon "The Papuan spring" (Chauvel : 2011). So as a response and solution to the problem, the Indonesian government under the leadership of President Megawati established Law No. 21/2001 concerning Papua's Special Autonomy. This is evidence of the seriousness of the Indonesian government to make Papua a priority in development (UU No. 21/2001). However, conflicts in Papua are always happening, the latest incident that shocked Indonesia was the massacre by the Papuan Armed Criminal Group (KKB) of 31 PT Istaka Karya employees in Nduga Regency, Sunday, 2 December 2018. Indeed this has become a very serious problem for the Indonesian government; bearing in mind the workers who are attacked are those who are working to build government projects to accelerate the development of Papua's land. Considering the facts above, this paper aims to discuss the Papua conflict from the perspective of the causes, actors and their impact on Indonesia in the International World.

Research Method
The research method used in this study is qualitative method (Denzin & Lincoln : 1994), with a descriptive explanatory approach (Silalahi & Atif : 2015). This approach is considered relevant to the problem under study. Then to analyze the facts found in the field, the steps are as follows: First, data reduction, i.e. compiling the data obtained, then determining the data under this study with classification. While less relevant data is ruled out. Second, from the important and relevant data complexities above, then the classification of data is carried out in several pressure points by the research. Third, qualitative data processing is performed. In this stage, each data is given an understanding so that it is easy to understand. This understanding is intended to analyze the core thoughts that are in the data.

Papua Conflict Map
The theory used is, what is called Arnold J. Toynbee "Challenge and Response" that every behavior is essentially feedback or response to stimuli (stimulus), because stimuli affect behavior, or even determine behavior (Arnold J. Toynbee: 1956, p271). This theory explains that all forms of actions were carried out by the Indonesian military and police will be against by the independent Papua organization (OPM).
Another theory is the Diadik Conflict Theory (Micro) put forward explicitly by George Simmel on the subject of conflict which is generally caused by problems concerning the honor, the existence of individuals and groups, which if they feel harmed their dignity and honor then often conflicts cannot be avoided and they are trying to defend themselves to maintain their existence in the community, and for this it often causes the Freeport conflict (Arifin Noor: 1997, p232). This theory is to explain the conflicts or disputes faced by independent Papua organization (OPM) with the government.
Political approach, which is used to analyze the interests of individuals and even groups concerning economic, social, cultural, and issues politics, where it allows a person or group to get an opportunity and show how their authority in mobilizing followers, collective decision making and the emergence of conflicts between groups.
The international characteristics or dimensions of the Papua case are determined by the role of state actors and non-state actors who have consistently and continuously " internationalized " Papuan issues, for example through lobbying and diplomacy, both of which are carried out by The Government of Indonesia and other parties opposed to the Government of Indonesia, including the Free Papua Organization (OPM) and several members of the Papua Council Presidium (PDP). Local Dimension

The Demands of Independence in Various Cities in Papua and Issues of Injustice in Development
Social justice for all Indonesian people will always maintain the unity and integrity of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia from Sabang to Merauke. Injustice and inequality of development have slowly eroded the nationalism of the younger generation in Papua, as Sabara believes there has been a "Split of Nationalism" among the younger generation of Papuans (Sabara, 2018, p1-18).
Papuan nationalism exists because of the various realities that appear to be ruled out. Papua's nationalism is not recognized even it is often considered illegitimate nationalism (Rozi, S . 2016, p75-84). At least this is proven by the re-emergence of Nationalism with the slogan "NKRI Price of Death" alleviate the reason and the meaning of liberation. So that the presence of Papuan nationalism becomes a real enemy of this type of nationalism without seeing what is developing Papuan nationalism. Extermination of Papuan nationalism by Indonesia continues to this day and who knows how long (Taum, 2015, p1).

Issue Justification of the History of Integration in the 1960s
One

Pressure on Human Rights Issues
International support for pro-independence groups in Papua creates serious complexity for the Indonesian Government in diplomacy with foreign parties. Although the Government of Indonesia has strong political legitimacy (legal sovereignty) in Papua, Indonesia's bargaining position is weak when dealing with the international community about issues of democratization, human rights (HAM) and the environment in Papua

Indonesian Government's Approach and Policy for Papua
The Government of Indonesia has taken various approaches and policies to reduce and resolve the Papua conflict. According to military strategist David Killculen, the issue of separatism is a variant of counter-insurgency warfare that needs to be addressed through military and non-military channels precisely and continuously (Kilcullen, D. J. 2005, p597-617). One of the most important non-military aspects is winning the sympathy of the local people (neutral population) and diverting their support from the OPM.
In the military field, the sympathy of the local community towards the Government will weaken the OPM support base, which has an impact on the KKB's limited access to intelligence, logistical information, and new members. Besides, community support also plays a large role in eliminating the space for OPM to hide by mixing amid civil society. On the other hand, in terms of politics, the form of the struggle of the OPM has been transformed in a direction that focuses on the path of diplomacy to gain legitimacy from other countries. Papuan community support will also be very useful in gaining international support for the position of the Indonesian government.
For this reason, the Government of Indonesia needs to ensure that the majority of the people support Papua and West Papua to remain part of the Republic of Indonesia. After the Reformation Era, the Government of Indonesia tried to diversify its approach to Papua, so that the presence of the government there was not dominated by a militaristic approach. The government is aware that the recurrence of the issue of human rights violations in the past will be a weakness that has cornered the government's position in the Papua region.
The policies and approaches decided by the Indonesian government for Papua are as follows: because the Minerba Law is only able to reach legal actions after the issuance of the Minerba Law, something relating to existing work contracts before the Minerba Act was unreachable.
On the other hand, the existence of PT Freeport Indonesia's contract of work is deemed incompatible with Pancasila, namely the Fifth Principle "Social Justice for All Indonesian People" and Article 33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution concerning the substance of the earth, water, and natural resources "controlled by the state" and " used as much as the prosperity of the people " (Redi, A. 2016, p613-638).. This paper will discuss whether PT Freeport Indonesia's contract of work is under Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution? and how the Government's efforts to make PT Freeport Indonesia's contract of work under Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani and Minister Ignasius Jonan on August 29, 2017. There was an agreement reached, namely Freeport Indonesia agreed to divest 51% of shares to the Government of Indonesia, Freeport committed to building a smelter in 5 years until January 2022, changing the Contract of Work to a Business License Special Mining (IUPK), as well as Freeport Indonesia, have agreed to maintain greater state revenues than in the era of the contract of work regime.

Higher Education Affirmation Program (ADIK) for Papuan Students
The Higher Education Affirmation Program (ADIK) is a government partisanship program for native Papuan sons and daughters (OAP), to obtain tertiary education at PTN. The higher education affirmation policy for Papuan students provides access to higher education for Papuan students in reaching the best universities in Indonesia (Rivai, A. B. 2015, p266-287).. n 2019, a total of 777 native Papuans passed the State University through the Higher Education Affirmation (ADIK) program and attended 77 Universities in various cities in Indonesia. Since this program was implemented in 2012, 4,836 Papuan students have participated in this program.

Conclusion
The Land of Papua is a country that is rich and beautiful, rich in natural resources enhanced by expanses of wild and virgin wilderness, blue sea and white sand beaches perfect the beauty of the land of Papua. Nevertheless Papua's land is always plagued by endless conflicts. Papua conflict is very complex, the complexity of Papua conflict can be seen from the factors as well as the actors involved. This paper aims to explore Papua's conflict dimensions and the approaches and policies adopted by the Indonesian government to resolve them. The approach taken by the Indonesian government in reducing and resolving Papuan conflicts uses military and non-military approaches. The military approach was taken to reduce and prevent conflict situations from spreading and nonmilitary approaches were taken as an effort to build Papua for the better. Apart from that, the