Article Type: Research Article Article Citation: Viktor Wetzl, and Jenő Palotai. (2021). THE CULTURE AND IDENTITY PRESERVATION IN
THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNITIES. International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH, 9(1),
257-270. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v9.i1.2021.2921 Received Date: 20 December 2020
Accepted Date: 31 January 2021 Keywords: Hungarian Diaspora Identity
Preservation Language
Education Hungarian School The study aims to give a thorough analysis on the Hungarian language education for the Hungarian Diaspora. After reviewing the relevant literature, the authors intend to survey the overall situation, geographical allocation, identity preserving and community organising activity of the cross-border Hungarians with a special focus on the history and present trends of the Hungarian language education for the diaspora. As case studies we analyse and compare Hungarian schools from each related continent with a considerable Hungarian diaspora (Australia, North America and Africa) based on their language education and identity preserving activities.
1. INTRODUCTIONThe aim of our research is to analyse the Hungarian
identity preservation by introducing the Hungarian language education in the
diaspora. The objective to analyse this topic was formulated in the authors
during the data collecting field trips at the different Hungarian Diasporas.
The collected primary data were elaborated with the help of the empirical
experiences and the international and domestic literature. During the research
process three Hungarian schools were chosen with geographical sampling focusing
on their Hungarian language education together with the motivations and attitudes
of the students. We also compare the identity preserving activities, education
methods, output requirements and the motivations of the students of these
schools with which we believe the reader receives a comprehensive picture of
the identity preserving activities at three different continents and their
peculiarities. 2. MATERIALS
AND METHODS
Besides the survey of the related literature and
statistical data the basic method for the research was interviewing. Data
collection by interviews is a widely accepted method in sociology and at those
subfields of linguistics where attitudes, stereotypes and ideologies are
surveyed (Kvale, 2005; Feischmidt,
2007). The subjects of the interviews were the higher leaders of the institutes
(directors, education leaders) with decision making powers, the teachers and
the students and their parents. During the selection process of the data providers and
during the analysis we did not bear in mind the sociological representativeness
but we aimed to collect a coherent text about the language education and
identity preserving aspects of the Hungarians living in the Diaspora with which
we can receive a comprehensive picture about the subject of our research. As a
qualitative collection of data, we are unable to totalize statistically the
experiences of all the teachers and students or all the schools involved in
identity preserving, but we believe that due to the depth of the interviews our
method can provide a thorough and detailed knowledge about the research topic.
We chose the three schools in the three continents with a geographical sampling
technique where in one case we carried out research field work as well
(Cleveland, USA, between 10-10-2017 – 30-10-2017). In all the other cases the
interviews were made during personal meetings in Hungary or online. The
interviews were carried out with the help and support of the Pallas Athéné Foundations, the Tempus Public Foundation and the
Diaspora Project of the University of Pécs. During
the research altogether 10 interviews were carried out in the different schools
with the responsible leaders with the method of semi-structured deep
interviews. 3. RESULTS
3.1. THE
POLITICAL GEOGRAPHICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
The language is the element of the explicit culture (Jarjabka 2012). “Culture is an aggregation of deeply rooted
values and assumptions shared by a certain group of people which determines the
relations between the members and between the people and the natural
environment”. (Maznevski – Peterson 1998, 65. in. Jarjabka 2012, 13. translated by the authors). The basics
for national identity is provided by the language, the
common history, the values of the group, the common genesis myth, the common
heroes, the great tragedies and achievements, the symbolic institutions and
places, which are preconditions for the national consciousness as the ideology
connecting the nation (group of people) with the geographical space (homeland)
(Taylor et. al, 2000). So, in this train of thought culture, identity and space
are connected with each other and culture will have a geographical role
connecting the nation with the space with an indirect importance. Nevertheless,
this interaction is true vice versa as well, so the certain favoured elements
of space all actuate the identity and become its very important building blocks
(Nora, 2003). After different migration cycles and the Treaty of
Trianon in a political geographical sense the Hungarian nation split into
several groups with different situations so we can distinguish majority-minority
relations, according to which there is a position of nation and culture in
Hungary and in the states where Hungarians live in minority as well. During the
Hungarian migration we can differentiate several migration periods conducing to
the present number of Hungarians outside the country (Gazsó,
2016). The 1st period was experienced before 1849
where the migrants left the country mainly because of adventurousness and with
the aim of enrichment. The 2nd period started after 1849 until the
Compromise in 1867, when mainly the privates left the country because they
feared from the punishment. The 3rd period started after the
Compromise until the end of the 1st World War, where first the
peasants who lost their farms and later those with the aim of enrichment
migrated to foreign countries, characteristically to North America (Kuncz, 1997; Gazsó, 2016). The 4th period started after the 1st World
War until the end of the end of the 2nd World War, when the
migration due to economic reasons still lasted and respectively the population
of the annexed areas left their new countries and started their new life in the
western world or in Australia. During the 4th migration period,
because of the political persecution in the 1930s, numerous Hungarian citizens
left the country who settled down mainly in North America, United Kingdom or in
Australia (Kuncz, 1997; Gazsó,
2016). The 5th period started after the 2nd
World War lasting until the 1956 Revolution. In the beginning of this period
characteristically those citizens left the country who were either running from
the war punishment or there were also many settling down in Israel after its
establishment in 1948. Besides this the altered Hungarian political regime
after the 2nd World War also stimulated the migration towards the
west. The 6th period started after the 1956
Revolution when characteristically political refuges left Hungary but they also
defected because of a better existence to the western countries. This process
lasted until 1989. The 7th period started from the change of
the regime up till nowadays where similar to some earlier periods (the 1st
and the 3rd) typically people decide to migrate because of the better financial
opportunities (Kuncz, 1997; Gazsó,
2016). Due to the different migration periods and the change
of the border through history we can study Hungarians living in block,
sporadically and in diaspora. To live the experience of the culture in a
minority position is characterised by a duality, since one stands under the
influence of two factors simultaneously actuating each other. The cross border
Hungarian culture is an integral part of the Hungarian national culture, at the
same time it is also a coexisting culture, so it is permanently interfering
with the local cultures (Vers et al., 2017). Nevertheless,
due to migration our world becomes a global melting pot (Csapó
et. al., 2007). The relationship will not be ceased with the deportations and
changes of border but a complex relation system will evolve. Dual citizenship,
dual cultural badinage, multi-identities, multi loyalty and community life with
a network structure will be the typical forms. Due to this the significance of
the organisations (and especially the churches, religious organisations) with
stable structure and basis will be strengthened (Keményfi,
2011). 3.2. THE
ENDANGERMENT OF THE HUNGARIAN LANGUAGE AND THE PROCESS OF LANGUAGE SHIFT AT THE
CROSS-BORDER HUNGARIANS
Language shift is a global phenomenon. From history we
have many examples that a folk or a smaller group of folk leaves behind its
everyday language and will use another language (for instance the Bulgarian
language shift from the 9th century) (Gal, 1991). The majority of
the global population lives in a dual or multilingual community (Borbély, 2001) which can formulate from one or
multilingualism. “The bilingual situation can develop to monolingual,
trilingual or stable bilingual” (Tabouret–Keller 1968, 108; Borbély,
2001). “Language shift is a phenomenon existing from the times when languages
got in touch with each other” (Grosjean 1982, 102.). The local or even the
global social, economic, political etc. processes and the narrower and broader
language environmental context have a great impact in every age on the life of
the languages and their talking communities (Bartha, 2003). In the last decades the globalisation, the continuous
migration, the break-up of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the appearance of
new or re-contextualized national or ethnic identities and national languages,
the broadening of the European Community radically reshaped the scientific and
everyday thinking about the role and future of multilingualism and cultural
diversity and further on had an impact on the formation of the new forms of
social-lingual relations among the different language groups living within the
same state (Bartha, 2003). The countries going against these changes at the
same time try to counteract the decreasing capacity of the state in monitoring
the economic, cultural and social institutions and on the other hand they
intend to match to the international legal requirements created for the modern
democracies stating that for multiculturalism the identities of the language
groups are acknowledged by the state simultaneously guaranteeing the
participation of each of the groups in the common public sphere (König 1999;
Bartha, 2003; Androutsopoulos, 2014). Analysing the
present tendencies, the minority languages lose ground and disappear much
faster than ever during the history of mankind (Skutnabb-Kangas
1999; Krauss, 1998; Bartha, 2003; Fenyvesi, 2005).
Certain languages become more and more important in point of numbers (world
languages) for the detriment of the endangered languages. A great proportion of
the minorities living in the bilingual situation created by
social-economic-political constraints passes through language shift: in a shorter
or longer period of time they take over the language of the majority abandoning
their original language (Gal, 1979; Bartha, 1999 és
2003; Androutsopoulos, 2014). From the point of the
view of the language those bilingual minority speaking communities are
endangered where the original language is not delivered by the parents to their
descendants (Grenoble-Whaley, 1998; Bartha, 2003; Henry et al, 2017). There are several stages and reasons for the threat of
languages which are in majority not lingual but such external, historical,
social, economic, political or cultural factors which shape the life of a
certain group and its language using environment (Kloss, 1966; Haugen, 1972;
Bartha, 1999 és 2003; Borbély,
2001; Fenyvesi, 2005; Androutsopoulos,
2014; Henry et al, 2017). The real threat of a language starts when its
demographic, social and political environment changes in a way that by losing
its actual communicative value the related roles and values become exclusively
symbolic (Bartha, 2003, 1). The recent researches emphasize that the loyalty of
those who speak minority languages to their language lasts only until the
economic and social circumstances make it possible (Dorian, 1981; Edwards,
1985; Bartha, 2003). Retaining or giving up a language and the social, economic
succeeding are strongly related, however the direct compliance with each other
is by all means simplifying, because these processes actuating with or against
other affective factors can be reversed as well (Bartha, 2003, 1.). As far as we
highlight the fact that due to globalisation the English language knowledge
became obvious in an increasing geographical space and professional fields, the
symbolic market value of the English language is decreasing and the high-level
knowledge of other – not only world – languages, in other words the bi- or
multilingualism, has been valorised (Grin 1999; Skutnabb-Kangas
2000; Bartha, 2003). Based on the researches of the UNESCO and other
organisations the Hungarian language is not on the list of endangered
languages. Nevertheless, if we investigate it the threat locally (to a country
or a region) we can conclude much different consequences. In the case of the
Hungarian minority there are significant differences by landscapes, settlement
types or different groups showing a strong correlation with the geographical
allocation of the language minority, whether it is concentrated, scattered or
diaspora-like and with the local ratio of the two, differing language groups as
well (Bartha, 2003, 2.). In this topic there is no understanding among the
researchers (Szépe, 1999; Lanstyák
et al., 1999) but they agree that in the countries neighbouring with Hungary –
due to the different factors – the Hungarian language is endangered, since on
the one hand the bilingualism of the Hungarian communities in the Carpathian
Basin typically shows stability, but on the other hand we can experience
certain phases of language shift even in the homogenous blocks (Bartha, 2003).
It results in the decrease of the factual and symbolic functions of the
Hungarian language where as a consequence the number of the people speaking the
language decrease and in parallel the majority language will gather ground.
These processes can be seen in the scope of the Hungarians living in ethnically
mixed areas (Szépe, 1999; Péntek,
2000; Lanstyák, 2000; Sándor
2000, Bartha 200). The counterpoint of language shift is language
preservation getting in the focus of research from the 1960s (Fishmann, 1966, 424.) at the same time with the appearance
of the intentions urging the sustaining of the culture and language of
bilingual communities (Borbély, 2001). Language shift
and language preservation are reverse processes, nevertheless they are present
– but with varying degrees – at the same time in certain communities, since
both phenomena are connected with the social and cultural changes and the
relations among the groups (Fishmann, 1966; Amastae, 1982; Borbély, 2001). 4. THE
HISTORICAL AND PRESENT ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION OF THE IDENTITY PRESERVING
ACTIVITY OF THE HUNGARIAN SHOOLS IN THE DIASPORA
4.1. THE
PRESERVATION OF THE HUNGARIAN IDENTITY IN AUSTRALIA: THE HISTORY AND PRESENT OF
LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNITY SCHOOL, ADELAIDE
In Australia the number of the Hungarian diaspora is
quite significant apparently among 67 000 – 68 000 persons. They
primarily live in Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide and in their agglomeration (Gazsó, 2016). The migration to the continent started later
then to America, in greater number only from the middle of the 1950s (Kuncz, 1997). In Australia after the 2nd World
War the Hungarian refugees had the demand and the possibility as well to
educate their children in their mother language. The Hungarian Community School in Adelaide is a
so-called ethnic school which are typically non-profit language and cultural
centres accessible for everyone. The altogether 100 ethnic schools in Southern
Australia educate in 49 languages after school in the weekends or in the
evenings. It is an expectation that the schools should provide at least two
hours per week for the students with the aim of language learning, sustaining
the different cultures of the Australian communities and facilitating the cultural
understanding and harmony. The students are usually school-aged children but
numerous ethnic schools are educating pre-school children or adults (Department
of the Premier and Cabinet, 2017). The Hungarian Community School in Adelaide was founded
by Dr. Ákosné Nagy in 1958 with the aim of preserving
the Hungarian identity by teaching Hungarian culture, folk dance and language
for the 1956 refugee families. At this time the great proportion of the
students where the children of the immigrants so typically the 6–15-year-olds
went to school who were around 30-35 persons altogether. In the 1990s the
leadership of the school was received by János Herendi who were later followed by Mária
Nagy, Annamária Bánházi and
Ilona Lelkes. At this time based on the opportunity
by the Australian educational regulation’s students practising for high school
graduation also joined the school prepped by Sebestyén
Maglai and Annamária Bánházi (Szabó, 2017; Palotai – Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017). The present number of the students is demonstrated
by the following table (Table 1.). Table 1: The number of the students of the Hungarian Community
School in Adelaide between 2001-2016 (persons)
Source: Palotai J. – Szabó Á. – Jarjabka Á. (2017): The identity preserving efforts of the
Hungarian diaspora in Australia through the example of the Hungarian
Community School in Adelaide, Civil Szemle vol. 14.
no. 3. pp. 96. The number of the elementary school students is the
highest with more than 50% share, which suggests that the parents start to more
deeply familiarize the children with their ancestry. The ratio of the preschool
students (7,3%) and the prep school students (5,5%) are smaller whose number
stagnated in the researched period most probably meaning that it derives from
the assimilation and the different ethnic marriages. It is worth examining the
number of the students learning Hungarian from 2011 since on 26th
May, 2010 the Government of Hungary accepted the modification of the 1993 LV.
act introducing the simple nationalization procedure. Its main point is that
the cross-border Hungarians should not settle down in Hungary and should not
make a citizenship examination either but the knowledge of the Hungarian
language is needed (The Embassy of Hungary, 2014). Due to the judicial measures
from 2011 the number of those who intend to learn Hungarian grew significantly.
The number of the students at the adult classes also grew significantly, out of
which 67% are learning from 2011 (see Table 1.). Such increase could be seen in
the case of the preschool students out of which 68% started to learn Hungarian
after the introduction of the 2010 simplified citizenship act. So, it is
obvious that the modification of the act had a positive impact on the Hungarian
language learning habits of the Hungarian diaspora in the Southern Australian
region (Palotai – Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017). There are 4 schools with accreditation of the
Australian Government, the state language schools in Canberra, Sydney,
Melbourne and the Hungarian Community School in Adelaide which is the only
community school where the teachers are working 100% as volunteers. The
students with Hungarian origins living in other states learning Hungarian
language cannot properly prepare themselves and not even register for the
graduation, out of which only Perth is an exception where students can register
for the exam as private students as well. According to the Australian regulations, on the
national level in order to sustain the opportunity a minimum of 15 students
should register for the exam which causes a serious problem for the Hungarian
schools. Ágnes Szabó is
investigating on this problem determining the following statements: It is
understandable that the local schools have adequate number of students but when
they got to the graduation, they will not check in for the language challenge.
It is also a problem that the Saturday morning timetable of the weekend school’s
coma up against the sports programmes or in the other afternoon students’
programs. A further phenomenon is that in such cities where Hungarians are
living in greater numbers the students apply for the Hungarian language
graduation only in a few numbers. The Hungarian Community School in Adelaide
also had to face with these problems, since in order to survive in 2010 they
had to find such Hungarians who can successfully graduate. In that year they
managed to find 5 students but this was not enough for the requested 15
students on the national level (Palotai – Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017, 98.). As a result of a strong marketing campaign, in 2011 5
adult students applied for graduation in Adelaide and the total number of
graduating students increased to 27 in the country. Based on this we can
conclude that it is not about disinterest and further on that a certain layer
of the Hungarian originated adults – who could not graduate earlier in
Hungarian language – would kindly challenge their knowledge. Unfortunately,
they could only take advantage of this opportunity only for a short period of
time since in 2012 the Government of the Province of South Australia maximised
the age of the graduating students in 21 years. The consequence of this
regulation was detected in the number of applicants since in 2012 and in 2013
it was only 1-1 students graduating in Adelaide (Palotai
– Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017). Partly trying to fence off these impacts the AMPE, the
Hungarian Teachers Association of Australia was established in 2013,
representing themselves already in 2015 at the Diaspora Council. The membership
thought that it would be worth introducing the e-learning methods besides the
traditional didactic and pedagogical methods. In 2014 the Hungarian Community
School in Adelaide tried with their own students the opportunity of learning
through internet, causing an increase in the number of student one year after
its introduction in 2015 illustrated by Table 2. (Palotai
– Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017). From 2015 the school had already 7 secondary school
students who were specifically prepared for graduation. Out of the enrolled
students 2 were from Queensland and 1 from Western Australia where the students
were educated though Skype in cooperation with the Szivárvány
(Rainbow) School educating elementary school students on the Gold Coast. In the
following years the scholars accredited by the Kőrösi
Csoma Sándor program to
Adelaide were also involved in the education. In 2016 the school already had 15
students preparing for graduation out of which 10 persons participated from
other provinces through online education. In 2016, besides the weekly 1 hour
provided by the community school, the Hungarian as foreign language students of
the Károli Gáspár
University of the Reformed Church taught the students of the school with the
management of Dr. Orsolya Nádor
and with the help of Skype. In 2017 10 online students were enrolled from other
provinces and further on the school is having 6 students presently as well, so
it has been confirmed that the adequate communication and education methods can
be successful. Lastly the 2014 initiative of the Community School has to be
mentioned due to which the ones applying for graduation could learn as exchange
students in the Reformed Grammar School of Kiskunhalas
and from autumn, 2017 in the István Bibó Grammar School as well. So, in 2014 3 students from
Melbourne, in 2015 1 from Melbourne and 1 from Adelaide, in 2016 1 from
Adelaide and in 2017 1 from Adelaide and 2 from Melbourne arrived to Kiskunhalas to develop their Hungarian language knowledge
within the framework of the programme (Szabó, 2017). Table 2: The composition of the students preparing for
graduation and who graduated in the Hungarian Community School in Adelaide
(person)
1The number of enrolled students at the start of
the year in January will probably be higher. Source: Palotai J. – Szabó Á. – Jarjabka Á. (2017):
The identity preserving efforts of the Hungarian diaspora in Australia through
the example of the Hungarian Community School in Adelaide, Civil Szemle vol. 14. no. 3. pp. 99. In the functioning of the organisation the financial
maintenance of the infrastructure means a challenge together with the assurance
of the volunteers with adequate electronic educational competences and the
initiation of the native language environment. The upper mentioned network
cooperation provides a support for these problems. The language education
supported with electronic forms lead to the formation of virtual communities
which can significantly contribute to the preservation of identity in the
diaspora even in an isolated situation. At the same time sustaining the evolved
relations become a continuous activity with the help of the online, smart
devices. The adult education and the new education methods,
such as e-learning also have a role in the preservation of the double identity
(Australian Hungarian) and the Hungarian identity as well. This latter is of
great importance because of the great distances in Australia nevertheless the
different regulations on education in the provinces and the peculiar
regulations of the schools make this type of teaching more difficult. Only the
learning of the Hungarian language is less incentive so in adult education
getting the Hungarian citizenship is an essential aspect. In the case of the
young generation besides community building (such as scouts) the increase of
the value of the graduation is a motivating factor as well that it takes out
some of the subjects and also provides extra points at the university prelim (Palotai – Szabó – Jarjabka, 2017). The attitude of the new immigrants towards Hungarian
identity is completely different from the idealised mother country image of the
2nd and 3rd generation Hungarians and even in some cases
it is reverse. Namely we cannot forget that a certain part of the Hungarian
immigrants chose Australia because of existential pressure so they intend to
adapt themselves, to assimilate, create financial safety and would like to
improve their English language knowledge. All this is frequently carried out by
impairing the energies towards the attendance of the Hungarian identity. So,
time and opportunity is needed for these families to
find again their Hungarian origins and the community. Namely for the children
of those families who immigrated to Australia in the near past a completely
different educational programme should be composed since their majority speak
Hungarian and so the focus should be on writing, reading and the extension of
their vocabulary. 4.2. THE
PRESERVATION OF THE HUNGARIAN IDENTITY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: THE
HISTORY AND PRESENT OF LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN CLEVELAND
The North American community in Cleveland experienced
a different way in the approach to the preservation of the Hungarian identity.
The first Hungarian school in Cleveland was opened in 1893 operated by the Szent Erzsébet (Saint Elizabeth)
Hungarian Catholic Church founded in 1892. In the first year the education took
place with 1 class and 1 teacher. The school was continuously expanded so by
1900 more than 350 students were educated in English with the help of the 2
nuns from the Orsolya Order while the Hungarian
language and bible classes were taught by the parish priest (Fejős, 1991, 7.). The number of students showed a
continuous increase also due to that between 1871 and 1913 primarily because of
economic-existential reasons nearly 2 million Hungarian citizens left the
mother country to overseas (Gazsó, 2016, 14.) and as
a consequence by 1919 the number of enrolled students reach 1114 (Papp, 1981,
188.). The Szent Imre (Saint Emeric) Catholic
Church was opened in 1905 in the western parts of the city also joining the
education of the Hungarian diaspora. The parish priest and the nuns sent from
Hungary taught Hungarian language, history and geography approximately for 150
students (Gárdosi, 2014). The Calvinistic Bishopric
built its Hungarian church on the East side in 1894. By 1919 the Saturday and
summer holiday Hungarian language and bible classes education were generally
visited by 600 students. Besides this several other congregations (Greek
Catholic, Hungarian Evangelical Congregation, Jewish Church) provided Hungarian
language education in the settlement (Papp, 1981; Fejős
1991; Gárdosi, 2014). There was no opportunity but it
was a definite need of the Hungarian immigrants to maintain such Hungarian
schools which are equal to the state schools and independent from the church
schools on the long. This problem was solved with an interim solution in a way
that weekend and holiday education was organised the members of the diaspora
with the help of the churches. The Hungarian Government also pushed this form
of education and further on also that during the building of new churches
adequate school buildings should be built by the different churches as well (Fejős 1991; Gárdosi 2014). In order to expand education, the Hungarian Government
developed a uniform curriculum for the schools which was elaborated by the
Julián Association (established in 1904 by the initiation of Count Béla Széchenyi). The curriculum specified what kind of material
and topics should be dealt with and provided a thorough pedagogical guideline
due to which the Hungarians living in the diaspora received the following
curriculum: Hungarian language (oral expression, comprehension practice,
reading, writing, grammar), the history of the Hungarian nation, constitution
studies, the geography of Hungary, singing (folk songs, religious songs). The
tutors had to use the domestic elementary school text books and reference books
(Fejős 1991, 12.; Gárdosi
2014). But the Hungarian diaspora in Cleveland quickly gave voice to that there
is a greater need for text books elaborated specifically for the American
Hungarian schools, since the 2nd and 3rd generation
Hungarians were attached differently to the mother country then the Hungarian
society in general (Fejős 1991; Gárdosi 2014). The Hungarian migration regained strength in the 1940s
where during not even 2 decades hundreds of thousands of Hungarians left the
country in 3 migration waves altering in time and characteristics. The first
was constituted by those soldiers, prisoners of war and deportees who got
abroad during the war and did not intend to come back home and those who
escaped from the Soviet army. The 2nd wave was during the years
before the state socialism composed by the representatives and supporters of
the democratic endeavours and the 3rd was evoked by the breaking
down of the 1956 revolution (Gazsó, 2016, 19.). A
significant part of the migration towards the United States of America was
constituted by the “dipik” (in Hungarian), the
displaced persons. Hungary belonged to the biased countries, the former
enemies, together with Italy, Romania and Bulgaria (ex enemy
DPs) from where more than 360 000 persons migrated to the USA (Gazsó, 2016). After the 1956 revolution around 200 000
persons left Hungary (who are called 56er Hungarians in the diaspora), out of
which a significant part left the country between 1956 and 1957. Most of them
moved the USA with an approximate number of 40 000 persons (Gazsó, 2016). Hungarians arrived to the State of Ohio and within
that to Cleveland in significant numbers meaning that Hungarian education and
schools will further be needed and even their expansion. Due to this the
Hungarian Central Textbook Committee was formed in 1958 taking care of the
maintenance of 2 Hungarian schools in Cleveland. So
with the leadership of János Palasics
on the eastern part and the leadership of Fréda B. Kovács on the western side adult education was carried out
in 2 different parts of the city. On a weekly basis Hungarian language courses
were organised for 2nd and 3rd generation young students
already hardly speaking Hungarian (Somogyi, 1989). In 1962 the Sándor Remenyik Hungarian
Language School of the Cleveland Warriors of Independence Circle was formed in
the scout home in the eastern side where during 7 years an average of 60-70
students learned Hungarian. In 1969 the school in the Buckeye district (the
Hungarian district in Cleveland in the first half of the 1900s) was reorganised
getting the new name, Géza Gárdonyi
Hungarian School. In the beginning the centre for the education was the
scout home, than later the Harvey Rice Library and the
Evangelical church. Besides this, for the initiative of the Saint Margaret (Szent Margit) Roman Catholic parish, another Hungarian
school was organised where language education was arranged on Sunday mornings.
Later on the education was complemented by the lecture
series of Hungarian studies by Professor Ferenc Somogyi (Szentkirályi,
2013; Gárdosi, 2014). In 1958 the Cleveland Hungarian School was formed
under the management of Gábor Papp senior. The school
was primarily established to educate Hungarian language to the immigrants coming
after 1945 and in 1956. The establishment of the school was and still is
strongly tied with the scout movement. The aim of its establishment was to
involve the Hungarian diaspora of Cleveland in the work of the scouts and to
continue it, and also to rescue the Hungarian Christian national consciousness,
preserve the Hungarian language and culture for the up and
coming generations (Szentkirályi, 2008). In
the beginning the majority of the students were coming from Hungary, so there
was no problem with their language knowledge that is why they learnt materials
connected to scout training. Nevertheless, as years went by the language
background of the Hungarians living in the diaspora changed inducing the change
in the content of the curriculum as well (Németh,
2008; Gárdosi, 2014). The school started its
operation in a private house only with 36 students. During the education the
students learnt basic knowledge on the Hungarian language and on the
Hungarians. Later the place of education was moved to the scout home, than to
the Greek Catholic parish, than to the Evangelical church in the west side
which was operating at the same place with the Calvinist Church. In the first 20 years of the Hungarian School more
than 600 students learnt in Hungarian (Somogyi, 1989, 10-11; Gárdosi, 2014). The education was reformed by Ödön Szentkirályi who became
director in 1988 and who revised and systematised the curriculum and teaching
system of the school. The curriculum embedded the scoutmaster and adjutant
education as well providing help in the progress of the scouts and the school
adapted the teaching material of the scout manager training as well. They also
intended to teach the geography and history of Hungary from a more global
aspect (Tálas, 2015). Apparently, the Hungarian education is taking place on
Monday evenings in the lecture rooms of the Szent Imre Catholic Church and the scout house with the
management of Judit Szentkirályi
both for children and adults. The curriculum is complemented with the education
of the Friday night scout meetings and the Tuesday night Regös
folk dance group (Gárdosi, 2014). The school is
maintained by the contributions of the parents and the teachers are volunteers.
The teachers are scouts, local Cleveland diaspora members, Hungarian scholars
of the Kőrösi Csoma Sándor program and Fulbright and the priest of the Szent Imre Catholic Church. Nor
pedagogical, neither teacher qualification is needed for the education (Gárdosi, 2014). In the 2017-2018 study year of the Hungarian School education
is carried out in 11 groups, in 3 nursery school groups, 7 school classes and
scoutmaster courses, and 1 adult group, all with a separate tutor. Children
between 4-6 years are attending the 3 nursery school groups (A, B and Basic).
In group A the 4-5 years old children learn games, counting-out rhymes, says
and songs in Hungarian, watch cartoons in Hungarian and also use colouring
booklets and cutting books. Group B educates 5-6 years old children using
similar topics and methods complemented with learning the ABC. At the end of
the year an evaluation is made about each child. The teaching of the nursery
school groups sometimes needs English explanations as well, but the teachers
aim to use permanently Hungarian. The Basic group is carrying out the Hungarian
language teaching of those children who do not speak Hungarian at all avoiding
the problem that there are different levels of language knowledge among the
children (Gárdosi 2014, Magyar Iskola
Cleveland, 2017). After graduating the 7th year, the students
can attend the scoutmaster course which is organised by the school together
with the scouts. During the course the 13–14-year-old students already deepen
their knowledge with literature, history and geography with the help of the
textbook and exercise book published by the Foreign Hungarian Scout Association
(FHSA). Besides this, similar to the classes, the students have to learn poems
here as well (e.g., Elemérné Papp Váry:
Hitvallás, Sándor Reményik: Az ige, László Mécs: A pisztrángok példája). At the end of the year the students make exams
complied by the FHSA. The successful students will receive the Scout manager
rank at their scout groups (Szentkirályi 2008., Gárdosi 2014). Since 2002 the teaching of Hungarian as a foreign
language teaching is also carried out in the Cleveland Hungarian School where
typically adults with Hungarian origin are taking part. In the beginning they
tried to use the textbook entitled “Halló, itt Magyarország” but according
to the experiences the book presented difficulties for the students, since it
is only in Hungarian lacking English explanations, so the tutors used their own
materials. For the beginners the greatest problem was pronunciation and
spelling (Gárdosi 2014). It is important to highlight that besides the training
in Monday at the end of the school year the Cleveland Hungarian School
organises summer camps as well which is an organic part of the propagation of
Hungarian language and culture in the USA. The first school camp was organised
by the FHSA in July, 1968 in the Sándor Sík Scout Park, Fillmore. At present the majority of the
campers are the students of the Cleveland Hungarian School and the Hungarian
School. The camp is similar to the scout camps, nevertheless being or having
been a scout is not a precondition for the attendance. During the camping the
children are learning by their age groups and Hungarian language knowledge
Hungarian literature, grammar, history and geography, while in the afternoon
they can participate in craftsman occupations, singing folk songs, doing sports
and folk dances. The camps are thematically organised around one story from the
classics of Hungarian literature or historical events (Gárdosi
2014). During the field work research the authors saw that
the leaders, tutors, students and parents, besides language teaching, paid much
attention and energies to fulfil such a comprehensive identity preserving
activity as possible. As a tool for language learning they learn numerous
Hungarian poems, and during the Hungarian national holidays the students
together with the scouts prepare themselves with programmes for the Hungarian
community. The Hungarian School enjoys good relations with several local
Hungarian organisations (Hungarian churches, scouts, folk dance groups etc.)
with whom they can make the needs for identity preservation of the local
Hungarians complete. 4.3. THE
PRESERVATION OF THE HUNGARIAN IDENTITY IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA: THE HISTORY
AND PRESENT OF LANGUAGE EDUCATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN HUNGARIAN ASSOCIATION
The Hungarian community living in the Republic of
South Africa is smaller than the other diasporas altogether with some 4000
persons. The Hungarian Alliance of South Africa is having a
more than 60 years old history established in 1957. They formulated as a
primary role to sustain and further pass on the Hungarian identity. During our
interviews it clearly turned out that the determining persons of the South
African community and language education highlighted the importance of language
teaching and especially getting to know Hungarian language and literature and
history. They organise reading nights focusing on says and Hungarian folk tales
for the children and on classic and modern literature for the elderly ones.
Their mission is to preserve the Hungarian language, culture and values and
their transmitting from generation to generation, the sustaining of Hungarian
memorial occasions and festivals, the preservation of gastronomy and folk
customs and the preservation and continuous development of the Magyar Tanya,
the location where all these programs are taking place. The Magyar Tanya provides the place for the semi
organised Hungarian language education as well. The education is less organised
then at the other analysed schools and it takes place in a less developed
institutional framework as well, nevertheless it is important to mention that
the motivation of the students is really high to learn and know the Hungarian
language. This motivation is personal, in all cases the students have Hungarian
roots or Hungarian consorts. The language is taught by a mandatory language
teacher once in a week for 45 minutes in smaller groups with 8-10 persons. The
number of these groups is intensely changing even on a week
by week basis. The education and the courses are open and free for
everyone. We experience that the scientific analysis of the
South African language education is extremely difficult since we can receive
only subjective information and also as we mentioned the education is not so
organised, there is no official outcome and the main motivation is mostly not
the acquisition of the Hungarian citizenship or the continuation of the
higher-level education in some Hungarian universities. The exception is the
intensive Hungarian course organised in the summer time for the students who
wish to go on to university in Hungary where nearly 100 students took part.
Based on the above mentioned it is hard to compare the activity of the South
African Hungarian language education with exact statistics with the other schools
of the diaspora. 4.4. THE
COMPARISON OF THE LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN ADELAIDE, CLEVELAND AND JOHANNESBURG
Comparison of the schools we present is a difficult
task, as they are clearly different from each other, but their profile is same,
so along it we use that in the analyzation. There is a common aim for the
language teaching of the three analysed, organised institutions: the
preservation of the Hungarian identity and the tradition and identity
preservation of the Hungarian descendant generations. Nevertheless, the
methodology is significantly different from each other both concerning the
teaching material or the didactic methods. Table 3. illustrates and covers
these differences where the Hungarian schools were compared with each other
based on several aspects. Table 3: The comparison of the schools in Adelaide, Cleveland
and South Africa
Source: Palotai J. – Szabó Á. – Jarjabka Á. (2017): The identity preserving efforts of the
Hungarian diaspora in Australia through the example of the Hungarian Community
School in Adelaide, Civil Szemle vol. 14. no. 3. 99
p., data from the Cleveland Hungarian School and the Hungarian Alliance of
South Africa, own editing The beginning of the education activity in the 3
schools fundamentally differ from each other which can be explained by the
different time periods of arriving as for instance to North America and
Australia Hungarians arrived earlier so the preconditions of language education
were also established earlier. The language education in Cleveland was
effectuated and operated with the help of the church, the South African
Hungarian School is actuated by the Magyar Tanya owned by the Hungarian
Alliance of South Africa, while the school in Adelaide started as an initiation
of private persons. The Hungarian schools in Adelaide and in Cleveland
were established in 1958 but it was an advantage for the city in Ohio that the
education of the Hungarian language is present for 65 years there. We can see
this advantage in the education materials, infrastructure and in the
experiences as well. Despite of the fact that the Hungarian language education
in South Africa was established together with establishment of the Hungarian
organisation in 1957, according to its organisation and number it cannot be
compared with the earlier mentioned institutes, nevertheless its value and
justification is inevitable. A significant part of the present Hungarian diaspora
can be found in the American continent (Gazsó, 2016)
so the school in Cleveland can take from a greater basis than the one in
Adelaide. The Australian school established its online education by eliminating
the quantity and spatial barriers with which they were able to increase the
number of their students. In Cleveland the education is carried out in the
physical building of the school besides which the school also tried online
education in the latter years, which did not prove to be successful. It is
because in the United States of America in those cities where there is a
Hungarian community, characteristically Hungarian language education is present
as well. The education structure of the schools is also quite
different from each other. In its education process the Adelaide Hungarian
Community School covers all the age groups, while in Cleveland nursery school
children, and school children are taught until the age of 13-14 together with
adult education and in São Paulo mainly the adults avail themselves the
language course education. Nevertheless, it is also important to mention that
in Cleveland besides the school there are numerous Hungarian organisations
which are also visited by the adults and where the use of Hungarian language is
required and so they can develop their vocabulary and their language knowledge
can be kept up as well. Further on the outcome of the education also differs,
since in Adelaide the main aim of the school (besides teaching Hungarian
language) is that the students should get the Hungarian graduation established
by the Australian state, while in Cleveland the major output is that the
students should finish the scout manager course of the Foreign Hungarian Scout
Association. In South Africa the Hungarian Alliance’s the identity and culture
preservation role and activity is significant. 5. SUMMARY
We can clearly see from our researches that the main
aim of the analysed education institutions is the teaching of the Hungarian
language for the newer generations of the Hungarian diaspora and so the
strengthening and the preservation of the Hungarian identity can be achieved as
well, however with different approaches, measures and methods. We can detect
differences in the scope of the students as well which can be explained mainly
by the number and size of the certain diaspora. Notwithstanding, all the
investigated schools make huge efforts in order to sustain the teaching of the
Hungarian language and so transmitting the Hungarian language, identity and
traditions for the future generations. As the conclusion of the research, we can state that
the analysed Hungarian communities reach their objectives with different
motivations and methods. The greatest recent problem, not only for the
Hungarian but for every diaspora, is succession and transmitting. The language
and the environmental impacts both affect the national culture and assimilation
is in many cases inevitable. In our research the data providers formulated that
they are in a lucky position since the need for the Hungarian language and
culture worked out adequately among the younger members of the community as
well. The visualisation and attendance of the domestic
culture cannot exist without an adequate infrastructural and organisational
system. Our research proved that the analysed settlements are in a privileged
situation since we can find organised Hungarian cultural institutions providing
as many opportunities as possible for the preservation and transmitting of the
culture of the mother country. Of course, the financial background is also
needed for the management of these institutions. Establishing and sustaining
financial safety is not a significant problem for these institutes, moreover
together with the civilian and mother country support their financial security
is assured. As a further direction of our research, we would like
to suggest that all the schools, institutions and organisations dealing with
Hungarian culture should be organised in a cultural cluster creating a
knowledge transfer among them, providing a chance to share the education
material and methods and their further development as well. In this case we
could experience a significant step forward in the exploitation of the teaching
of Hungarian language and the preservation of Hungarian culture in the
diaspora. The Diaspora Project Network at the University of Pécs could be adequate to hang together these activities.
Under the aegis of the university such Hungarian-Hungarian workshops (dealing
with Hungarian language education) could be operated where best practices and
further on common application activities and governmental cooperation could be
presented and established in order to plan and sustain the future existence. A
long-term subsistence strategy should be planned by the Hungarian institutions
of the diaspora for this global Hungarian school network in order to
successfully maintain and preserve the Hungarian culture and identity. SOURCES OF FUNDING
This
research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public,
commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The
author have declared that no competing interests exist. ACKNOWLEDGMENT
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