Article Type: Research Article Article Citation: Kinya K. Kigatiira. (2020). FEAR OF CONTRACTING COVID-19: INFLUENCE
OF INFORMATION SOURCES AND MESSAGE CONTENT ON FEAR- AROUSAL AMONG BODA BODA RIDERS IN NAIROBI COUNTY, KENYA. International Journal
of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH, 8(8), 190-199. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i8.2020.998 Received Date: 05 August 2020 Accepted Date: 28 August 2020 Keywords: Information Sources Message Content Fear-Arousal COVID-19 Boda Boda
Riders This study examined the influence of information sources and message content on COVID-19 in fear-arousal among boda boda riders in Nairobi County, Kenya. Little if any research has explored the influence of information sources and message content on fear arousal among boda boda riders, hence a gap that needed to be filled. The study was guided by the agenda-setting and framing theories. Case study research design was utilized. Convenience sampling was used to identify the study respondents. Telephone interviews were used to collect data. Qualitative data obtained through interviews was manually transcribed, coded and analyzed for themes. Findings revealed that television and radio were the main sources of information on the COVID-19 pandemic. Messages from information sources contained frightening phrases such as, “Coronavirus kills,” “COVID-19 is a deadly disease,” “Coronavirus is a dangerous disease,” and “The virus is highly contagious.” Information sources and message content on COVID-19, therefore, aroused high levels of fear among boda boda riders. The study recommended that journalists should exercise caution and discretion, when covering news stories on infectious disease outbreaks. Moreover, news on contagions should be reported ethically and objectively. This will prevent the arousal of too much fear, which may result to mental breakdown among the receivers of the messages.
1. INTRODUCTIONIn the current
24-hours news and digital media environment, people constantly receive
information from many sources which are widely available. Information sources
can be individuals, groups, institutions or organizations. According to Walter
et al. (2012) the main sources of information on pandemics are the internet and
mass media, such as, television, radio, magazines and newspapers. Oh et al.
(2015) assert that when people do not have firsthand experience or knowledge on
an infectious disease, they are more likely rely on mass media to learn about
the disease outbreak. Interpersonal relationships made through social ties such
as friends, family, community organizations or those with healthcare providers
may also be sources of health information (Nellis
& Savage, 2012). According to Miller (1973) messages delivered through the
mass media often stimulate interpersonal discussions about a health issue. In recent years, the
media as an information source, has shaped the coverage of disease outbreaks by
heightening fear while serving as a useful tool for encouraging precautions and
prevention (Moukaddam, 2019). The use of fear appeals in the form of threatening health
messages, is a commonly used strategy for health promotion, disease prevention
and adoption of behaviour within a population (Brown
& Whiting, 2014; Simpson, 2017; Sweene &
Stephens, 2013). This tactic involves using images or messages to elicit
negative emotions such as fear and anxiety, in the expectation that the target
audience will be motivated to adopt the recommended health behaviours
(Brown & Whiting, 2014). The
coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), which was first discovered in December 2019 in
Wuhan, the capital of Hubei Province in Central China, has aroused fear among people all over the world.
The virus is highly contagious, which means it can be spread, directly or
indirectly, from one person to another. Densely
populated communities or cities enhance its quick spread (WHO, 2020). The virus
is spread through respiratory droplets transmitted into the air from coughing
or sneezing, which people nearby can take in through their nose, mouth or eyes.
It can also be transmitted when human beings touch surfaces that are
contaminated with the virus and further, with their unclean hands, touch their
eyes, nose and mouth (Africa Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020). COVID-19 is a
new and an unknown disease that has neither cure nor vaccine. “Moreover,
millions of people have been infected and hundreds of thousands have lost their
lives to the virus, worldwide” (Kigatiira, 2020). As
of 21st July 2020, there were 15,098,721 coronavirus cases,
worldwide. Out of the
positive cases, 9,116,242 had recovered and 619,593 had died. In Africa, there
were 736,587 confirmed cases, 389,314 recoveries and 15,424 deaths (WHO, 2020).
Kenya had a total of 14,168 coronavirus cases, 6,258 recoveries and 250 deaths.
Out of the 47 counties in Kenya, Nairobi County had the highest number of
COVID-19 positive cases, 8,275, out of the 14,168 people who had tested
positive, countrywide (Ministry of Health, 2020). Over the years,
research on information sources and message content in health communication has
increasingly gained impetus, worldwide.
However, there is a dearth of knowledge in this area, as little if any research has investigated the influence of
information sources and message content on fear arousal among commercial
motorcycle operators, commonly known as boda boda riders.
Specifically, there is no study that has investigated the influence
of information sources and message content on COVID-19 in arousing fear among boda boda riders.
Thus, the purpose of this study was to examine the
influence of information sources and message content on COVID-19 in arousing
fear among boda boda riders in Nairobi County, Kenya. 2.
THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
2.1. AGENDA- SETTING THEORY
The agenda- setting
theory was developed in 1972 by two professors, Maxwell McCombs and Donald
Shaw. The theory looks at how the media news coverage determines which issues
become the focus of public attention (Alvernia University, 2018). When reporters
give particular news prominence and attention, by giving the stories extensive
media coverage, the audience automatically perceive it as such (Alvernia
University, 2018; Wahl-Jorgensen, 2020). The agenda-setting theory is based on
two major assumptions. First, the media filters what is happening by focusing
on a few issues, making them more prominent, while ignoring other stories
(Winters et al., 2020). Secondly, the more attention an issue is given by the
media, the more likely the public will consider it to be important (Alvernia
University, 2018). Therefore, the agenda-setting theory doesn’t necessarily
tell people what to think but what issues they should think about
(Wahl-Jorgensen, 2020). Although the agenda-setting theory doesn’t particularly
examine how interpersonal and social media information sources make news
stories the focus of public attention, the theory was critical in determining
how the mass media made the COVID-19 pandemic the focus of public attention,
thus arousing fear. 2.2. FRAMING THEORY
The concept of
framing was first posited by Anthropologist Gregory Bateson, in 1972. Framing
is the practice of thinking about news items and story content within familiar
context. The theory explains that the media create the frame by introducing
news items with predefined and narrow contextualization. “Frames can be
designed to enhance understanding or are used as cognitive shortcuts to link
stories to the bigger picture” (Arowolo, 2017). The
framing theory suggests that the way news stories are presented to the audience
(called “the frame”), determine how people understand and remember a news
story, as well as how they evaluate and choose to respond to it (Entman, 1993; Goffman, 1974). Framing is also referred to
as second-level agenda-setting because it focuses on the way the media draws
the public’s eye to specific topics- setting agenda, and then takes a step
further to create a frame, through which the audience will comprehend the
information (Arowolo, 2017). In this study, the
framing theory was used in identifying the manner in which the mass media
present news stories on the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequently aroused fear
among boda boda
riders in Nairobi County. 3.
LITERATURE
REVIEW
3.1. INFORMATION SOURCES ON INFECTIOUS DISEASE OUTBREAKS
When there is an
outbreak of an infectious disease, people constantly receive information from
multiple sources which are widely available. According to Walter et al. (2012)
the main sources of information on pandemics include mass media, such as,
television, radio, magazines and newspapers and the internet. For example, at
the onset of the SARS outbreak, the global media reported dramatic stories from
Asia in print media, television and the internet (Person et al., 2004). Oh, et
al. (2015) asserts that when people do not have firsthand experience or
knowledge on an infectious disease, they are more likely to rely on mass media
to learn about the disease outbreak. The traditional mass media, play an
enormously influential role in public responses to health issues (Leask et al.,
2010). According to Gunther (1998) and McCombs and Shaw (1972) the mass media
has an unparalleled reach as a communication mechanism and substitutional power
in setting agendas on what people should be concerned about and take action on.
In addition, mass media frames issues by influencing how people should think
about the information given. However, mass media can be expensive and doesn’t
necessarily target specific populations (Wakefield et al., 2010). Besides the
traditional mass media, the internet is also a popular and important source of
health information because it is available, affordable and versatile. In
addition, it offers high quality, huge volume, current and relevant information
(Lagoe & Atkin, 2015). According to Rains (2007)
studies have found that many of those who use the traditional media and
healthcare professionals as sources of health information, also turn to the
internet as an alternative source of health information, in order to gain a
different perspective from what they have read or heard. Social media and
websites are internet platforms that more people are turning to as sources of
health information. Social media are a potentially useful tool for effective
dissemination of information to the public on emerging infectious disease (EID)
outbreaks updates and important medical information (Tang et al., 2018). For
instance, social media has been instrumental in informing the public about
recent EID outbreaks such as the 2014 Ebola outbreak and the 2009 A(H1N1)
Influenza pandemic (Biswas, 2013). Moreover, government agencies such as the
Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), used social media to inform
the public about the Zika and Ebola outbreaks (Chan et al., 2018; Lazard et
al., 2015). Social media, according to Jang and Baek
(2019), functions as a firsthand information source from which the public
obtain disease-related information which they share with their family, friends
and neighbours in real time. Further, when
traditional media does not provide relevant and timely information to the
public, social media serves as a major immediate information source (Jang &
Baek, 2019; Yoo, Chio & Park, 2016). Official government
websites are associated with high knowledge of diseases. However, a study by Koralek et al. (2016) revealed that the websites, as
sources of information, have low popularity among college students. Previous
research indicates that distrust in health information from government agencies
may contribute to its low popularity. For example, two United States federal
agencies charged with protecting publics’ health, the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) and CDC, released conflicting statements and
recommendations to the public about the use and efficacy of Tamiflu, a flu
medication. The contrasting messages diminished the public’s trust of the two
agencies, presumed to present a united front on health issues (Mandrola, 2015). According to Koralek
et al. (2016) distrust can affect audiences’ receptivity and responses to
public health information. Interpersonal
communication sources of information, such as healthcare providers, family and
friends, are consistently ranked as reliable sources of health information.
However, the sources have more limited reach compared to social and mass media
and may be difficult to quantify or standardize (Leisen
& Hyman, 2001; Sharma & Romas, 2016).
According to Carlson and Goss (2016), people who live in rural areas and are in
dire situations, rely on doctors as a source of health information because they
have less internet access, lower device use and less participation in online
activities compared to those living in urban areas. Clinicians are also a
trusted resource for information on serous health concerns and support (Fox
& Duggan, 2013). Community meetings
are common both in the rural areas and informal settlements in urban areas.
They are used for sharing health information and gathering community opinions
on health issues. The gatherings have been used with success to understand
community perspectives on health programs (Naanyu et
al., 2013). Families are also important in health promotion, not only within
the family itself, but also in the larger society (Wong & Sam, 2010).
Through observation and interaction, individuals in a family learn and sustain
healthy or unhealthy behaviours practiced by their
relatives (Huidobro & Mendenhall, 2015). 3.2. MESSAGE CONTENT
Public health
initiatives use fear appeals in the form of threatening health messages, as a
strategy for health promotion, disease prevention and adoption of behaviour within a population (Brown & Whiting, 2014;
Simpson, 2017; Sweene & Stephens, 2013). This
tactic involves using images or messages to elicit negative emotions such as
fear and anxiety, in the expectation that the target audience will be motivated
to adopt the recommended health behaviours (Brown
& Whiting, 2014). The
media has also shaped the coverage of disease outbreaks by heightening fear
while serving as a useful tool for encouraging precautions and prevention (Moukaddam, 2019). For example, at the onset of the SARS
outbreak, fear of the infectious disease was heightened by headlines from the
English-language press (Person et al., 2004). The British Broadcasting
Corporation in London, wrote, “Concern is mounting over the continuing spread
of the deadly SARS virus. Some experts say it could have a similar impact to
the 1918 flu epidemic that killed 50 million people or the current world HIV
crisis” (British Broadcast Corporation, 2003). On the same note, the Cable News
Network from Beijing, stated, “China has threatened to execute or jail for life
anyone who deliberately spreads the killer virus” (Cable News Network, 2003). During the 2013-2016
West Africa Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak, photographs of the virus most
recognized mammalian “reservoir” the fruit bat, aroused fear by showing the
creature hanging, inverted with its wings spread and fangs menacing. In
addition, frightening visuals depicting the end stage of Ebola virus disease,
scary messages such as “Ebola Kills,” and pessimistic pronouncements that there
was no cure, aroused public fear (Shultz et al., 2016). Britain’s first
national mass media campaign in response to the emergence of HIV/AIDS in the
1980’s, used the images of tombstones and icebergs to emphasize the severe and
potentially fatal threat of the disease. Moreover, the message that “AIDS
Kills” aroused fear among those who engaged with the message (Bourne, 2010). Stories on the
ongoing outbreak of the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) have received
extensive media attention and coverage, and have hence aroused fear
among people all over the world (Judd, 2020; Wahj-Jorgense,
2020). Professor Wahl-Jorgensen of Cardiff University, asserted that since
emotions are contagious and spread across populations, “the fear of coronavirus
is far more contagious than the disease itself.” “Fear of the new contagion
has, paradoxically, become a global infection” (Judd, 2020). Major
English-language newspapers around the world mention “fear” or related words,
including, “afraid.” In addition, such articles use frightening-language
(fear-inducing language), for example, the use of phrases such as, “Killer
virus,” “Deadly disease” to refer to the coronavirus (Wahj-Jorgense,
2020). 3.3. FEAR OF CONTRACTING INFECTIOUS DISEASES
According to Morens et al., (2008) emerging infectious diseases remain
among the key challenges to human survival. The transmissible, imminent and
invisible nature of the diseases have a tendency of arousing fear (Pappas et
al., 2009). Further, the evolving nature and inherent scientific uncertainties
of the diseases is associated with considerable fear in the general public or
in specific communities, particularly when illness and deaths are substantial
(Person et al, 2004). For example, the outbreak of severe acute respiratory
syndrome (SARS) which spontaneously appeared in the southern province of
Guangdong, People’s Republic of China, in November 2002 (Centre for Disease
Control & Prevention, 2003; Rosling & Rosling, 2003) aroused fear and anxiety because the disease
had an unknown cause and possible fatal outcome (Das, 2001). Fear is a negative
emotional reaction that is usually accompanied by heightened physiological
arousal to a perceived threat on an individual’s well-being (Gore et al.,
1998). However, fear arousal as a reaction in response to infectious diseases,
is considered normal and potentially adaptive or protective (McEwen, 2007).
During the 2013-2016 EVD outbreak, fear was understandable, reality-based and
almost universal (Van Bortel et al., 2016). 4. METHODOLOGY4.1. STUDY DESIGNCase study research
design which focused only on boda boda riders was used. The design was appropriate
because the study sought to investigate the influence of
information sources and message content on COVID-19 in fear arousal among boda boda riders
in Nairobi County, Kenya. 4.2. POPULATION OF THE STUDYThe population of
the study comprised of all the boda boda riders operating in Nairobi County. It is
important to note that there were no official statistics on the exact number of
boda boda riders
operating in Nairobi County. According to the Independent Electoral and
Boundaries Commission (2013), Nairobi County is divided into 17 constituencies
namely: Westlands, Dagoretti
North, Dagoretti South, Langata, Kibra,
Kasarani, Roysambu, Starehe,
Ruaraka, Mathare, Embakasi
North, Embakasi East, Embakasi South, Embakasi West, Embakasi Central, Makadara and Kamukunji. All
constituencies in Nairobi County were included, such that the study findings
formed a representative section of the entire county. 4.3. SAMPLE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUEThis study used
qualitative sampling technique. A qualitative sample size is best determined by
the time allocation, resources available, the objectives of the study (Patton, 1990) and data saturation (Fusch &
Ness, 2015). Different scholars give varying numbers for
participants to be interviewed in a qualitative study. For example, Guest et
al. (2006) found that 12 interviews conducted from a homogeneous sample is
enough to reach data saturation. Similarly, Kuzel
(1992) recommended 6-12 interviews for a homogeneous sample. However, Green and
Thorogood (2004) noted that most qualitative researchers experienced data
saturation after interviewing approximately 20 participants belonging to one analytical
relevant category. Therefore, based on Green and Thorogood (2004), Guest et al.
(2006) and Kuzel (1992) recommendations, this study
interviewed one boda boda rider
from each of the 17 constituencies in Nairobi County, totaling to a sample size
of 17 respondents. Convenience sampling was used in identifying boda boda riders
who were available and willing to participate in the study. The respondents
were identified by the researcher’s friends, colleagues and relatives who
reside in different constituencies in Nairobi County. 4.4. DATA COLLECTIONThe researcher used
qualitative data collection methods. The main data collection tool was
telephone interviews with boda boda riders. Advantages of telephone interviews include
ability to reach respondents who are dispersed in a large geographical area,
enhanced interviewer safety, decreased cost and travel (Aday
1996; Bernard, 2006). In this study, telephone interviews were the most
appropriate data collection tools because they enabled the researcher to work from
home and have physical distance with the respondents. Abiding by these
precautionary measures prevented the researcher and respondents from
contracting and spreading the coronavirus disease during data collection. 4.5. DATA ANALYSISQualitative data obtained
through telephone interviews was coded and analyzed for themes. Data were
transcribed manually. That is, the researcher listened to each of the recorded
interviews and recorded them on paper. During the transcription process, the
researcher took note of how the respondents expressed their feelings during the
interview sessions. After transcription, the researcher read and made sense out
of the collected data. The data for each question was put together, coded and
categorized into relevant themes and sub-themes according to the objectives of
the study. For easy identification and interpretation of themes, the researcher
marked key phrases with different colored pens. Consistencies and differences
in the data were identified by making systematic comparisons across categories
of data. Finally, the researcher made possible and plausible explanations of
the findings. 5. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION5.1. DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATIONAll
the respondents in the study were male. This implies that the boda boda business
sector is dominated by males. In terms of the age of the boda boda riders, most of them were youths
because majority ranged between 30- 39 years while a minority were between
40-49 years and one was 24 years. Most of the riders had an experience of
between one to ten years in the boda boda business, while a minority had 11-20 years,
experience. This implied that the respondents were in the boda boda business long enough to be able to
provide relevant information for the study. Majority of the respondents were
married while a minority were single. Most boda boda riders had attained primary school
education followed by those with secondary school education. Further, one rider
was a university graduate and another had no formal education. The low levels
of education that most boda boda riders had attained, reduces their chances of
getting jobs in the formal sector. Therefore, the operators rely on the boda boda business
as a source of income to be able to take care of their family financial needs. 5.2. INFORMATION
SOURCES ON COVID-19
All
the respondents in this study asserted that the television
and radio were the main sources of information on the coronavirus disease.
Other sources of information on the disease were fellow boda boda
riders, social media, that is Facebook and WhatsApp, public awareness
campaigns, short message service (SMS) from Safaricom communications company
and newspapers, respectively. For instance, one boda
boda operator said, “I got to know about the coronavirus disease while watching the
news in the television one evening. In addition, we discuss news stories
reported in the mass media amongst us boda boda riders.” Another respondent
said: I first heard
about the disease when it was announced by the Ministry of Health via the radio.
I later received an SMS from Safaricom, informing me of the pandemic. The Kenya
Medical Training College (KMTC) also created awareness of the coronavirus
disease through a road show. Findings of the
study revealed that television and radio were the main sources of information.
This finding is in agreement with Walter et al. (2012) who asserted that the
mass media are key sources of information on pandemics. Findings further
revealed that boda boda
riders who received information about the coronavirus disease from the mass
media, discussed the news stories amongst themselves. The interpersonal
discussions, subsequently, made the riders key information sources to other
operators who had not heard about the virus. This finding is in tandem with
Miller (1973) who noted that messages delivered through the mass media often
stimulate interpersonal discussions about a health issue. 5.3. MESSAGE
CONTENT ON COVID-19
Study
respondents reported that messages from information
sources contained frightening phrases such as, “Coronavirus kills,” “COVID-19
is a deadly disease,” “Coronavirus is a dangerous disease,” and “The virus is
highly contagious.” “I have heard that coronavirus kills,” said a boda boda rider.
Another respondent said, “I have heard that the disease is highly contagious and is spread from
person to person when there is body contact like a hand shake.” Moreover, the riders were in agreement that
the messages on the coronavirus disease did not contain any images that aroused
the fear of contracting the disease. Some of the boda
boda operators said, “We have not yet been
shown pictures of people who have contracted the disease. We would like to see
how they look like when they are ill.” The study revealed
that messages on COVID-19 contained phrases that aroused fear. This finding is
in agreement with that of Wahj-Jorgense (2020) who
found that articles on the coronavirus disease use fear-inducing phrases, such
as, “Killer virus,” and “Deadly disease” to refer to the virus. Moreover, there
were no images that aroused the fear of contracting the virus. Brown and Whiting (2014) asserted that images or messages
are used to elicit negative emotions such as fear and anxiety. 5.4. Fear
of Contracting COVID-19
All
the respondents said that they feared contracting the
coronavirus disease because the disease has neither cure nor vaccine and that
one can either get well or lose their life. In addition, the boda boda riders
asserted that they experienced high levels of fear. One respondent said,
“Nobody wants to die. Contracting the coronavirus disease, according to me,
is like a death sentence.” Findings
of the study revealed that boda boda riders feared contracting COVID-19. This finding is in tandem with Pappas
et al. (2009) who asserted that the transmissible, imminent and invisible
nature of emerging infectious diseases have a tendency to arouse fear.
Moreover, fear arousal as a reaction in response to infectious diseases, is
considered normal and potentially adaptive or protective (McEwen, 2007). 6.
CONCLUSION
Information sources
and message content aroused the fear of contracting COVID-19 among boda boda riders in
Nairobi County, Kenya. Television and radio were the main sources of
information on the coronavirus disease. Other sources of
information on the disease were fellow boda
boda riders, social media (Facebook and
WhatsApp), public awareness campaigns, short message service (SMS) from
Safaricom communications company and newspapers, respectively. Whereas
messages on COVID-19 used frightening language, there were no images that
aroused the fear of contracting the virus. 7. RECOMMENDATIONJournalists should
exercise caution and discretion, considering that mass media are a main source
of information on pandemics. News stories covering infectious disease outbreaks
should be reported ethically and objectively. This will prevent the arousal of
too much fear, which may result to mental breakdown among the receivers of the
messages. SOURCES OF FUNDINGThis research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. CONFLICT OF INTERESTThe author have declared that no competing interests exist. ACKNOWLEDGMENTNone. REFERENCES
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