Strategies for the integration of migrant itinerant sellers in the urban margins in Korhogo
Koffi Noël Kouassi 1, Olivier Gnan 2, Zirihi Yerehonon Jean 2
1 Anthropologue, UFR Sciences Sociales, Université Péléforo Gon Coulibaly (UPGC), Korhogo,
Côte d’Ivoire
2 Sociologue, UFR Sciences Sociales, Université Péléforo Gon Coulibaly (UPGC), Korhogo,
Côte d’Ivoire
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ABSTRACT |
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This article
is based on the results of an empirical research that addresses the
integration of migrants into marginal activities in northern Côte d'Ivoire.
Its objective is to analyze the strategies of social integration of migrants
from the ambulatory sale in the city of Korhogo. As
part of a qualitative approach, the data was produced using interview guides
and focus groups built around the social imaginaries associated with the
phenomenon. Network sampling was used for this study. In total, thirty-five migrant
street vendors were interviewed. The data produced was stripped manually and
subjected to content analysis. The socio-economic profile of the interviewees
is organized on the basis of nationality,
educational background, age and marital status. As soon as they arrive in Korhogo, migrants are welcomed and hosted by their
resident peers. They are introduced to work on the margins by the latter with
whom they maintain relations of solidarity, tolerance which constitute social
springs which positively influence the integration and maintenance in the
ambulatory trade. Put to the test of the institutional system of social and
professional integration, the urban margins offer potentialities which are
transformed into sources of subsistence and production of social ties. |
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Received 27 September 2022 Accepted 28 October 2022 Published 15 November 2022 Corresponding Author Koffi Noël Kouassi, noel2ko@yahoo.fr
DOI10.29121/granthaalayah.v10.i10.2022.4846 Funding: Our research
was conducted with our own financial means. We have not received funding from
any institution or non-governmental organization. Copyright: © 2022 The
Author(s). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License. With the
license CC-BY, authors retain the copyright, allowing anyone to download,
reuse, re-print, modify, distribute, and/or copy their contribution. The work
must be properly attributed to its author. |
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Keywords: Urban Margins, Migrants, Ambulatory Sale,
Social Integration, Subsistence, Korhogo |
1. INTRODUCTION
According to the International
Organization for Migration I.O.M. (2020), there are nearly 281 million migrants worldwide. This number represents 3.6% of the
world's population. The
number of international migrants is constantly growing. Indeed, from 281 million people living
in a country other than their country of origin in 2020, this figure has
increased by 128 million more than in 1990 and more than three times more than
in 1997.
Côte
d'Ivoire welcomes more than 6 million foreigners out of the 23 million
inhabitants of the country according to the General Census of Population and
Housing RGPH (2019). The large number of
migrants in the country is explained by the fact that since independence, the
Ivorian State has opted for a free migration policy, that is
to say without administrative papers authorizing entry into the country.
Still according to the 2019 RGPH, in this population originating from other
West African countries, there are more than 61% Burkinabés
and 21% Malians, representing the large percentages of migrants from the
countries of the sub-regions. Other nationalities represent less than 5% of the
total migrant population. In total, there are almost as many migrants in urban
areas (49%) as in rural areas (51%) in Côte d'Ivoire. Migration concerns both
men (52%) and women (48%). If the illiteracy of migrants is very accentuated
with 53% illiterate, it affects women drastically with a rate of 66%. Migrants
are relatively young, with an average age of 32.9 years, live with a partner
(60%), practice Islam as a religion (78%), mostly work in the agricultural
sector (39 %) and have a very low level of income, with 75% having an average
monthly income that hardly exceeds the SMIG in Côte d'Ivoire. For the study by Afrobarometer (2020), most migrants arrive in Côte d'Ivoire for
professional reasons (70%) or family reunification
(27%) and half settle in rural areas while the other half settle in urban
areas.
In Korhogo (north of the country), it is the informal sector,
specifically the ambulatory trade that welcomes migrants. In terms of housing,
migrants are faced with remoteness and crowded homes. Indeed, these are the
peripheral districts of the city of Korhogo such as Haoussabougou, Sossonbougou, Boribanan, etc. which are home to the
majority of migrants. Some come together in small groups of 4 to 6
people to rent a shack, while others do so in groups of 15 people, especially
young single people, for a home that later becomes a welcoming house for all
migrants in transit in the city. At the level of the activity itself, migrants
are also confronted with pendular migration. Indeed, to sell the maximum number
of products, ambulatory sales require covering the entire city through daily
trips from their home to their place of work and vice versa during the day.
These migrant itinerant sellers, visible in the streets, in restaurants and
maquis, in stations, offer passers-by or customers a variety of goods,
telephone accessories, clothing, shoes, watches, fashion accessories, etc. Ambulatory sales bring together individuals
of various social profiles, ranging from children to heads of families, from
little girls to mothers, from those with no schooling to students. In Korhogo, itinerant trade takes place in a context of
peri-urbanization marked by the monopoly of public transport by motorcycle
taxis, thus reducing movements between home, work, and the market.
Consequently, the places of restoration or entertainment multiply replace the
market where one can take advantage of the goods on the spot. The customers of
these spaces are also the customer base of itinerant traders. Not having a
store or shop, itinerant traders circumvent the official circuit, circumventing,
for example, tax control. It is because evolving outside formal trade that this
activity is qualified as informal, or marginal activity. Urban margins situate
us in places sidelined by dominant representations Agier and
Bouillon (2018), Armelle and
Riccardo (2008), Rode and Sierra (2008).
The
objective of this article is to show how, in a context of precariousness,
itinerant trade produces social ties and contributes to the subsistence of
migrants in Korhogo. The question that guides it is
what are the factors underlying the integration of migrants in the ambulatory
sale in the city of Korhogo? This central question
raises subsidiary questions: What is the profile of migrant street vendors?
What are the logics that structure the social and professional integration of
migrants in ambulatory sales? What is the system of social relations on which
the integration of migrants in street vending is based? We adopted the
following methodology.
2. METHODOLOGY
The study
took place in the city of Korhogo, capital of the
Savannah district and the Poro region. It is part of
a qualitative perspective. The data was produced using interview guides and
focus groups built around the social imaginaries associated with the
phenomenon. Network sampling was used for this study. The interviewees were
contacted through their comrades, themselves previously interviewed. In total,
thirty-five migrant street vendors working in the town of Korhogo
were interviewed. The data produced was stripped manually and subjected to
content analysis. The surveys led to the following main results.
3. RESULTS
3.1. PROFILES OF STREET VENDORS
Migrants
who sell manufactured or non-manufactured products on an outpatient basis in
the city of Korhogo constitute the main social
category under study. The corpus of data reveals the socio-economic profile of
the interviewees through the nationality, educational background, age, and
marital status of the interviewees.
As far as
nationality is concerned, they are essentially Burkinabés,
Malians, Senegalese, and Nigeriens. These nationalities dominate all the people
interviewed. They are nationals of West African countries. This corroborates
the situation of Côte d'Ivoire, which remains one of the countries with a high
number of foreign people on its soil RGPH (2019).
With regard to marital status, the body of data reveals that the majority of
interviewees are adventurous singles. As for the school career and the age of
the interviewees, the information collected shows a majority aged between 16
and 35 having attended the Franco-Arab school called "Dougoumakala" in Bambara.
With regard to the information relating to the professional experience of the
interviewees, the study reveals that the majority did not follow professional
training before embarking on the ambulatory trade. As for religion, the
information collected shows that the respondents are all of
the Muslim religion. This has favored their insertion into the social fabric in
Korhogo which is full of a strong Muslim community.
The
analysis of the socio-economic profile shows that ambulatory sales constitute
an activity accessible to the interviewees. In fact, ambulatory sales are
presented as an activity of the informal sector, because the sellers of this
sector are neither listed in the tax registers nor in those of the town hall.
Then, the observations showed that a large number of
sellers change products quite regularly beyond the fact that they are difficult
to locate. Entry into the profession does not require any initial training.
3.2. THE INVOLVEMENT OF MIGRANTS IN STREET VENDING
This part
reports on the ideologies associated with the exercise of the profession of
itinerant salesman. The study revealed that the ideologies associated by the
actors under study oscillate between the improvement of living conditions and
the fight against cultural barriers.
3.2.1. A SOURCE OF ECONOMIC PRODUCTION
Analysis
of the corpus of data shows that the majority of
migrants associate integration into the ambulatory trade with the improvement
of living conditions. Indeed, migrant street vendors are mostly single without
children who came to Côte d'Ivoire through a relative or as an adventurer for
economic reasons or in the hope of a better tomorrow. Many say they left their
countries of origin because of poverty and other disasters. One of the
traveling salesman interviewees says:
“I
fled Mali because of terrorism and poverty (…), I came to Korhogo
to do the ambulatory trade because in my family, we are 7 children in charge of
our parents (…) We live in a situation of poverty (…) I decided to come and
join my big brother, itinerant salesman in Korhogo
(…)”.
These
remarks show that the socio-economic situations underlie the insertion of the majority of the actors in the ambulatory trade in the
city of Korhogo. This reveals that the climate of
peace which reigns in Côte d'Ivoire in general and in the town of Korhogo in particular promotes
both trade and attracts the populations of the sub-region. Settled in Korhogo, they invest the street as a space for the production of financial resources to support
themselves financially and to support other family members who have remained in
the country of origin.
3.2.2. A TOLERATED ACTIVITY
The majority of the actors in the study justify the insertion in the ambulatory trade
by the acceptance of the profession of itinerant salesman by the Ivorians.
Unlike their country of origin where there are cultural barriers to this
profession, Ivorian standards are rather favorable to migrants. Sheltered from
the rejection of their society or their own family in their country of origin,
migrants prefer to engage in ambulatory trade in Ivory Coast without being the
victim of stigmatization or rejection. During the interviews, one of the
interviewees said the following:
“When
you are in your own country with your family, you cannot do this type of
business because it is part of the marginalized activities (…). Because of the
gaze of your society, you suffer (…) the best thing is to migrate to another
country to flourish”.
3.3. INTEGRATION INTO SOLIDARITY NETWORKS
This
section aims to highlight the social relationships that migrant street vendors
have with each other on the one hand and with other migrant actors on the
other.
3.3.1. HOSPITALITY RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MIGRANTS AND THEIR PEERS
There is
a relationship of hospitality when migrants welcome, house and protect other
migrants who are new to Korhogo. To this end, the
analysis of the corpus of data shows that migrants are welcomed and
accommodated by their peers residing in the city of Korhogo.
With regard to accommodation, of the 35 migrant street
vendors interviewed, only five of them live with their biological families who
have been established in Korhogo for several years.
The others live with brothers from the country of origin and/or as their
protégés in neighborhoods such as Haoussabougou, Kassirimé, Banaforo, and Sosonbougou. In other words, the migrants studied live with
guardians, brothers from the same country of origin in different popular
neighborhoods of the city. On the part of the population of the town of Korhogo, they are not subjected to any aggression. This
situation of hospitality is noted by a seller in these terms:
“I
spent several days or even months with my brothers before having my own house.
Even when I travel to sell, I have no problem with the police and the town hall
(…) people are nice in Korhogo (…)”.
These
remarks show that hospitality is a factor of integration and control of the
ambulatory trade by migrants from the West African sub-region.
3.3.2. RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN STREET VENDORS
There are
reports of solidarity when the actors of the ambulatory sale help one of their
own in order to get him out of a difficult, pressing
situation which prevents him from carrying out his activity. This relationship
is mentioned in the following words:
"You
may not have an item that a customer is asking for when there is another
salesperson nearby who has the item in question. So, you take the item with him
to sell it to the customer and then you come back and give him his money.”
Another
adds in these terms:
“We
have set up an association whose fund allows us to help certain members in the
event of a happy or unhappy event (…)”.
The
information collected during this research highlights the tolerance among
street vendors. Indeed, there is a relationship of tolerance, because the
disputes between the actors do not turn into fights or aggression but are the
subject of an amicable settlement. This is what this other itinerant trader
relates in the following words:
“We know
each other (…) When there is a problem between us, it is settled with the chef
(…) we always end up finding common ground”.
The relationships of hospitality, solidarity,
tolerance between sellers, are factors that positively influence the integration
and maintenance of migrants in the ambulatory trade in the city of Korhogo.
3.4. RELATIONS WITH MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES
The
ambulatory sale is an informal commercial activity not subject to the control
of the communal police officers of Korhogo. To this
end, the migrant street vendors encountered have no official relationship with
the municipal authorities or with the tax services. However, during ceremonies
or political meetings, access to certain spaces is prohibited. Non-compliance
with occasional restrictions generally results in the confiscation of the goods
and the condemnation to the payment of a fine. The ambulatory nature of their
activity makes them difficult to tax on the part of the municipal authorities.
4. DISCUSSION
The
difficulties of professional integration reject each year a large segment of
the population of working age on the margins of employment. In Korhogo and in general in the small urban centers of
northern Côte d'Ivoire, the two decades of military-civilian crisis have
largely contributed to the destructuring of the
industrial sector. This greatly limits employment opportunities for people
living in these areas. These populations with different social profiles and
trajectories are generally found in highly stigmatized urban spaces, in
particular smoking rooms and traditional alcohol consumption spaces, where
drugs and alcohol become sources of consolation.
The issue of employment and the professional integration of populations is certainly on the political agenda, but institutional initiatives regularly show their limits. The Youth Employment Agency, for example, through its various projects, offers employment opportunities to young people. These initiatives, such as “the Youth Employment and Skills Development Project (PEJEDEC) financed by the World Bank to the tune of 25 billion CFA francs, the Debt Reduction and Development Contract (C2D-EMPLOI) financed by the French Development Agency to the tune of FCFA 21.8 billion and the Project for the Socio-Economic Reintegration of Vulnerable Populations in Western Côte d'Ivoire (PRISE) financed by the Japanese government through the World Bank to the tune of FCFA 1 billion 350 million”[1] have the professional integration of many young people.
However, this institutional system leaves many people on the margins of employment. It therefore only partially responds to economic insecurity, poverty, and the quest for subsistence of populations at the bottom of the social scale.
Among this population made vulnerable by the lack of access to employment, living in the urban margins, our study targeted the fringe of migration, originating from border countries who invest the streets and urban public spaces. They work there while being part of social networks based on their communities of origin.
Indeed, even if one can think that the investment of
streets and urban public spaces by these young people is not a matter of
choice, it very often hides a
commercial activity, capacities for action and professional initiatives.
Ambulatory commerce is based on a well-built and solid social network. The
young person who, with a motorbike or on foot, offers items to passers-by or
consumers, is part of a social network made up of traders who have been
established for a long time and are well integrated into the professional
fabric and local political networks.
Although
professionally qualified as a marginal activity, the actors have no particular difficulties with the municipal and police
authorities. Their activity is known but they are not under any pressure from
them. R. Cavagnoud, from his study on itinerant
workers in Lima, notes that the reaction of municipal authorities to itinerant
shops depends on the neighborhood. "In the neighborhoods of Lima where
the middle and wealthy social classes dominate (San Isidro, Miraflores, Surco), this situation gives rise to tensions between
street vendors and municipal order services, on the one hand, and between
street vendors and shopkeepers "fixed", on the other hand. In some
popular neighborhoods, the border between formal economic activities, in the
markets, and informal, in the public space, is not easy to distinguish and
sometimes tends to disappear to give rise to an almost symbiotic relationship
between the two”. Cavagnoud
(2010). 32-33. In Korhogo,
itinerant traders are accepted by the municipal authorities.
Straddling
the market, the avenues of the city and all urban and rural spaces, ambulatory
trade is independent work built on solid social and political logic.
Positioning itself on the margins of salaried employment, it is a response to
the difficulties of access to traditional employment. The migrants working in
the street that we surveyed all show signs of precariousness in their social
environment. They have no stable sources of income (apart from itinerant
sales), they live in unsanitary group housing, they have no level of education
or professional qualification. They therefore have no other alternatives in the
urban environment than engaging in a subsistence activity. In this context, the
orientation towards ambulatory trade is the consequence of the lack of
“capability” of migrants. By capability Sen (2000),
considers that beyond the monetary dimension, we must think of poverty in terms
of freedom of action, capacities to do. "When the actors'
'capabilities' materialize, they give way to 'functionings'
which are expressed in people's quality of life and the development of their
skills and a decent way of life" Sen (2000),
quoted by Cavagnoud,
(2010), op cit.: 33.
In our
contemporary societies marked by the difficulties of access to the job market
for young people of working age, work deserves to be rethought. In general,
there is confusion both for politicians and for people seeking professional
integration, a confusion between work and employment. According to Vatin (2011), work is defined as any productive
activity. Employment refers to the social recognition of this productive activity
through a status, most often a salary. “To confuse work with employment is
then to confuse the activity of work with the status it confers, and, by nested
reductions, with the status of work of reference in contemporary developed
market societies, namely the wage-earning system. ".
The
experience of migrants in the urban margins of Korhogo,
makes think about the social classes in their dynamics of production of the
urban social link and especially in the way of occupying the urban margins as a
space of economic production, as a workspace.
5. CONCLUSION
The issue of work is a primary concern both for people of working age and for the policies that organize this sector. Added to this are the political unrest that encourage young people to immigrate to build a life elsewhere, far from their country of origin. The experience of young migrant street sellers shows us how urban margins serve as a framework for social and professional integration. In a context marked by strong suburbanization and the domination of public transport by non-reassuring motorcycle taxis, street sellers take over the streets and entertainment and catering areas to offer people an alternative to the traditional market. They offer them at home or at the service, a variety of items, thus allowing them to save time but above all to reduce the risks of traveling on a motorcycle. It is essential to remember that engaging in this ambulatory trade allows young migrants to build a social network and a subsistence economy. They benefit from the support of people of the same national origin who serve as their moral guarantee. Although escaping municipal taxation, the municipal authorities allow this ambulatory trade to develop. The occasional restrictions they impose relate to security arrangements during public demonstrations. This reflection is an important step in our approach to urban margins and the companies that develop and structure them. It is limited to the production of social ties and subsistence on the margins.
CONFLICT OF INTERESTS
None.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
None.
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[1] http://www.pejedec.org/?p=bb1&projet=bcpe
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